
Things are spinning out of control. Out of control, at
least, by government, and by the United States government in particular.
You don't have to spend much time reading the news -- or monitoring
your Twitter feed -- to get that impression. Armed fighting in Ukraine.
Islamic State beheadings in Iraq and Syria. Hundreds of thousands of
demonstrators in Hong Kong.
Ebola spreading from Liberia, Sierra
Leone and Guinea to Dallas, Texas, where 100 people were exposed to the
Liberian who lied to airport screeners and arrived in the United States
with the disease. Or the Spanish nurse who came down with the disease.
No
wonder embattled Sen. Mark Pryor, D-Ark., stumbled when asked whether
the Obama administration was handling Ebola well. He ran an ad in August
accusing his Republican opponent, Rep. Tom Cotton, of somehow leaving
the nation unprepared for the epidemic. But Pryor had nothing coherent
to say this week.
The Ebola death in Dallas and the beheadings in
the Middle East illustrate how what happens elsewhere in the world
doesn't stay there. It comes back to strike the United States sooner or
later -- sooner and sooner, it seems, these days.
It is a
misreading of history to believe that Americans typically have been
unconcerned with what happens across the oceans or south of the border.
Since the 1790s, when the Founders split into two political parties --
one sympathetic to revolutionary France in a world war, one sympathetic
to British royalists -- Americans have recognized they are affected by
foreign developments.
In the last century, after seeing threats
rise from Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan, they have come to expect
their presidents to prevent things from spinning out of control abroad.
And
they have come to expect that government should perform competently at
home. More competently than, say, the Department of Veterans Affairs,
the Internal Revenue Service or the Secret Service have been performing
lately.
Barack Obama came to office believing that in a time of
economic distress, voters would want an even larger government to
respond to financial crisis and bolster the economy. In 2009 and 2010,
he and his congressional supermajorities believed that their major
policies -- big spending increases in the stimulus package, Obamacare,
and higher taxes on high earners -- would be popular. People would be
happy if a competent government gave them more of what Mitt Romney
infelicitously called "free stuff."
Turns out that's not the case.
The stimulus package and Obamacare were unpopular when proposed and,
even after the bills were passed so that we would know what was in them,
they have remained unpopular ever since. As for higher tax rates on
high earners, voters just don't seem to care.
That's why it is
Republicans and not Democrats who are running ads this campaign cycle on
Obamacare. It helps explain the apparent trend toward Republicans in
most seriously contested Senate races, as well as why the House
Democrats' campaign committee is pulling money out of races to unseat
Republicans and putting it into races to protect incumbent Democrats.
Undermining
the case for big government is an increasing perception that big
government just doesn't work very well -- even at things nearly everyone
agrees government should do, such as providing health care for veterans
or protecting the president and his family.
The deterioration in
government's competence is not just a recent or American phenomenon.
That's a point made in three recent books by the Economist's John
Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge, Yale law professor Peter Schuck and
New York lawyer Philip Howard. It's also a major topic in Francis
Fukuyama's recently released "Political Order and Political Decay."
But
it is a process that has gained speed under a president who doesn't
seem much interested in the mechanics of government and whose confidence
that more spending will produce better results keeps being undermined
by events.
Democrats this year are running not just against the
trend that presidencies usually (though not always) grow stale in their
sixth year. They are in the uncomfortable position of defending policies
that work against the grain of change in an Information Age, and for
putting more trust in a government that isn't competently performing
basic tasks.
That's an uphill climb as the world spins out of
control, government keeps floundering and the president seems unable to
master events.